Caesar’s Gallic War 7

1 With Gaul pacified, Caesar (as he had decided) proceeds for Italy to call the assembly together, where he learns of Clodius’ murder and, after being made aware by a decree of the Senate that all the youth of Italy should swear the enlistment oath, determines to hold a draft the whole province over (which matters are born quite swiftly into Gaul across the Alps); the Gauls exaggerate and add to hearsay what the situation seemed to demand: That Caesar’s held up by a disturbance back in Rome and cannot reach his army in such tumultuous conflicts. Spurred on by this stroke of fate (as they to now smarted under the Roman People’s rule), began more freely daring to engage in designs for open war. The chiefs of Gaul complain to each other holed up in their wooded counsels convened over Acco’s death, rightly point out this end might fall back upon themselves; they lament the common luck of Gaul and seek, with all promises and offer of rewards, those who’ll begin the war and claim Gaul enslaved for freedom at the price of their own head. They say, first off, a plan must be had (before their clandestine counsels are brought out) to keep Caesar cut off from his force; this is easy because neither would the legions dare to leave winter camp without the general, nor could their commander get through to the troops without escort; lastly, that it is better to die in battle than fail to regain their former fame in warfare and freedom which they took as their ancestral right. 2 Amidst these tumultuous affairs, the Carnutes declare that they refuse no danger for the cause of common security and make an offer to be the chief ones of all to provoke war; & since presently they are unable to mutually pledge themselves by exchanging prisoners for fear it be made known, they ask official confirmation by oath and trust with their military banners brought together — this custom of theirs surrounds the most sacred matters of state — that they not be abandoned by the rest once the war had been begun. Then after the Carnutes are applauded and the sworn oath is given by all who were there, when a time is settled upon by the assembly is dissolved. 3 When that day arrived, the Carnutes, led by Cotuatos and Conconnetodumnos (hopeless pair of desperate ones), rush at a given signal into Cenabum and the Roman Citizens who had settled there for the purpose of conducting business (Gaius Rufius Cita, a respected Roman noble was among them: He oversaw the grain supply at Caesar’s behest) do they murder and pillage for their goods. The story is carried quickly throughout all the Gallic states, as whenever something weighty & well-known occurs they alert the country and outlying areas with a shout which others take up and hand to those nearest them, which happens now. What went on at Cenabum as the sun arose was heard of in the Arvernis’ territory before the first watch was up — a distance of almost one hundred-sixty miles. 4 So then Vercingetorix, Celtillus’ boy, an Arvernian youth of the most able resources, whose father had procured the prime position over all Gaul and for this, because he tried to rule, was executed by the state, does likewise his son with allies & attendants called together have no problem inflaming them. Once his plan is known, the rush to arms; it is opposed by his paternal uncle Gobannitio and the rest of the high chiefs who decided that fate ought not be attempted here. He is driven from Gergovia, but does not give up and picks soldiers from the poor, doomed country folk. When his force’s assembled, whatever Gauls he meets, he persuades of his cause; urges to take up arms for the common sake of freedom and when his formidable forces are assembled, he drives out his opponents (by whom he had just been exiled before) from the town. He is hailed as ‘king’ by his own side, sends a delegation to each tribe; calls upon them to remain faithful to their word. Quickly he allies the Senons, Parisi, Pictos, Cadurci, Turons, Aulerci, Lemovics, Andis and all the rest who live beside the ocean to himself: Command is conferred on him by unanimous consent. With this power bestowed, he demands prisoners from all of these tribal states, orders a fixed number of soldiers to be brought to him at once and established how much of arms should contribute each tribe & before what date, eager especially for cavalry. He imparts the highest severity to most harsh attentiveness, compels doubters with the excruciating threat of torture. For a larger offense’s guilt, he kills with fire and every type of torment; in case of lighter ones he sends home with severed ears and a single eye dug out so that they serve as proof to others and terrify the rest by the enormity of punishment. 5 When a force is brought together by this brutality, he dispatches Lucterius of the Cadurci, a man outrageously bold, with a detachment to the Ruteni; he himself sets out for the Biturigs. At his approach the Biturigs send delegates to the Aedui, whose alliance they held in faith, to ask for reinforcement so they could better hold off the enemies’ troops. Now when they had come to the river Liger (which separated the Biturigs from the Aedui), they waited a few days and, daring not to cross the river, turned back home; they told our delegates that they returned in fear of the Biturigs’ treachery whose designs they had ascertained as if they crossed the river, their men and Aedui would surround them from each side. Whether it was for this reason (as they told the ambassadors) or were led off by treachery — which we cannot tell — seems ought not be supposed as something sure (after they left the Biturigs were joined with the Arverni at once). 6 As these matters were announced to him in Italy, when he was positive that the Capitol had come to a rather stable state of affairs through Gnaeus Pompey’s ability, Caesar made for Transalpine Gaul. When he got there was afflicted by a major problem as to how he could come to his armed forces, since if he sent the legions into the province, he knew they would have to fight on the road while he wasn’t there; if he rushed to his army, he rightly saw his health would be entrusted only to those who appeared peaceful at the time. 7 Meanwhile Lucterius, sent amongst the Ruteni, was luring their state over to the Arverni. He went to the Nitiobrigs and Gabali, took prisoners as pledge from each and struggled with his force assembled to make his way into the district of Narbonne against an insurrection. This being announced, Caesar judged that he needed to head off all of his intentions, so he set out for Naronne. When he got there, reassured the fearful, stationed guards in the Rutenis’ provincial district, with Volsci for the Arecomici and the Tolosas around Narbonne (the neighboring areas were rather hostile); a portion of troops from the province and reinforcements which he brought from Italy, he ordered into position among the Helvii beside the Arvernis’ borders. 8 With these preparations made (Lucterius then held back and was farther off), he considered how dangerous it was to enter inside the garrisons and set out towards the Helvii. Although Mt. Cavenna, which shields the Arverni from them, hindered the approach with snows piled up in the harshest time of year, still the six feet of snow were shaken off, and so he made it through cleared paths by the soldiers’ sweat to boundaries of the Arverni. Overwhelmed in disbelief because they thought they had been protected as if by a wall, and that at the time of year the paths had ever been accessible for an exceptional individual alone, he orders the knights’ cavalry to range out as wide as they could and strike the greatest possible fear into their enemies. These rumors are quickly brought by messengers to Vercingetorix; all the Arverni, terrified, surround and even curse him to the point he considers his own fate: How not to be torn in bits by enemies, especially since he sees the whole war being blamed on him. That one, swept by their demands & commotions moves the camps away from the Biturigs to the Arverni. 9 Meanwhile Ceasar stayed two days in this area because he had anticipated these acts of Vercingetorix from experience — by his intention to arrive — did he leave the main army to join reinforcements with cavalry and placed Brutus (a young kid) in charge of the supplies & warned him that the cavalry ventured out in every direction extremely wide: He’d make sure not to be gone longer than three days from the camps. With these provisions made (his own forces unsuspecting), he arrives at Vienne by the longest marches he can. There he gets fresh, rested horse which he had sent there some days before, and by night and daylong march unbroken fights his way through the Aedui’s borders to the Lingons (where two legions stayed the winter) so that, even if there were some plot on his safety from the Aedui, he could get make it there before in haste. When he got there, he sent legions to the rest and forced them to gather sooner than his arrival could be announced to Aedui. But this matter learned of, Vercingetorix leads his force back to the Biturigs and did from here, setting out to the town of Gergobina of the Boii, whom after losing the battle at Helvetia did Caesar relocate there and subjugate to the Aedui, he decide to attack. 10 This affair brought Caesar no end of problems to how he would execute his plan: If he kept his legions the remaining part of winter in one spot that Gaul entire not rise up, fight paying the Aedui’s tribute-tax (because it would appear to friends that in him there was no place for help); if he led them from winter camps too soon, that he not be distressed about the grain store over taxed supply-lines. But it was seen better to brave enduring challenges than, by accepting so great a slight, to lose the wills of all people his own. And so he sends encouraging the Aedui in advance from supporting the convoy to the Boii to tell of his approach and urge them to remain faithful and withstand in great courage the enemies’ onslaught. With two legions at Sens and their baggage left behind, the whole army sets for the Boii by heading out. 11 Next day when he had come to the Senones’ town of Vellanodun, not to leave any enemy behind him so he could employ more expeditiously the grain supply, he decided to attack and surrounded it within two days. On the third, a delegation sent from the town he orders arms to be surrendered, cattle be brought forth, hostages given. To finish this up he leaves Gaius Trebonius the legate behind; to make way as soon as possible, he himself sets out for Cenabum of the Carnutes. When they first heard by report of the siege on Vellanodun (since they supposed this matter something that would longer go on), they assembled an expeditionary force, which they sent there, to guard Cenabum. It got here in two days. With camps set before the town, prevented by the time of day, he delays the attack till the following, commands the soldiers to ready what they’d use for it; & since the river Liger’s bridge reaches to Cenabum, in fear that they might flee the town, he orders two legions under armed night watch. The townspeople a little before mid-night left Cenabum and began to cross the river. When this was announced by scouts, Caesar already ordered the legions which had been deployed, gates burned, he sends them in and they take the town with a few of the enemy requested so that all not be taken prisoner (since the narrow paths of bridge and roads prevented the crowd from flight). He pillages the city and burns it, gives plunder to the soldiers, leads the army across the Liger and arrives in the Biturigs’ territory. 12 When Vercingetorix learned of Caesar’s approach, he left off his attack and set out against him. Caesar set about besieging one of the Biturigs’ towns situated on the way to Noviodun. When the ambassadors had come from it to ask that he might consider sparing them, he orders arms surrendered, horses be brought forth and hostages to be given. Now with part of the prisoners handed over, when the rest were being delivered, a few centurions and soldiers were sent in to collect their weapons and pack animals; some of the enemies’ cavalry were seen far off, the vanguard of Vercingetorix’s march, which look to be him. The town’s people saw and arrived at hope of relief, a cry was raised to take arms, close the gates they began taking position on the wall. The centurions inside recognized from the sign of the Gauls’ outcry that there was something, a plan they understood; they took the gates with swords unsheathed and got all their men back unharmed. 13 Caesar orders the knights to be led out from camps and readies a cavalry engagement. He backs his forces’ labors up by sending nearly four hundred German horse which he had made sure to have with him from the start. The Gauls weren’t able to withstand their charge, were thrown together in flight; with many lost did they re-form their line. When these were overwhelmed, the terrified townsfolk judged those whose actions had incited the people under arrest, led them to Caesar and gave themselves up to him. With these matters finished, Caesar moves out for the greatest and most heavily defended town in the Biturigs’ territory — area lush with teeming land — Avaricum, because he was positive that, with that city taken, he will bring the Biturigs’ state back into his power. 14 After suffering setbacks so consistently at Vellanodun, Cenabum and Noviodun, Vercingetorix calls his men to counsel, alleges by far a different rationale for continuing the war [than] had been conducted in the past. On all sides is eagerness for this proposal that the Romans be kept from supplies and provisions, that ’s easy since they have so many cavalry and because they’re supported by the season’s weather; that they not be able to forage for food and fuel; necessity is spread enemy seeking far from the buildings: These could all be picked-off each day by cavalry. Furthermore, for the sake of safety (common theme) must convenience be forsaken that houses and buildings should be burnt by so much from the road and towards them so they seem able to approach for fodder. He points out their supply of these goods as enough because, in whose territory war is waged are supported by necessities: That the Romans either would succumb to scarcity of resources or at great risk set out too far from the encampments; doesn’t matter whether they killed or rob them of their equipment — with those taken would war be impossible to fight. In the meantime, required that the town — which neither by defense nor naturally fortified locale could guarantee as safe — must be burned so there’s neither shelter to deserters from their own ranks nor provisions in store supplied for Romans and their plunder taking purpose. If these acts seem too drastic or harsh, free men are to find burdens much heavier that their wives get carried off to slavery, they themselves slaughtered; which must happen to conquered people. 15 As unanimous agreement is the proposal adopted in the same day twenty of the Biturigs’ towns are torched in flames. Similarly this happens through the rest of the territory’s states: Conflagration can be seen in every area; though they all were greatly so grieved at these acts, still were they consoled in advancing opinion that, they trusted, were — with attempted victory close by — about to take back what had been lost. Discussion is held in public assembly over Avaricum, whether it would better be burned or defended. The Bigurig people fall to the feet begging all the Gauls they not be compelled to set fire to most gorgeous city in nearly all of Gaul, could be a defensive jewel to the country, with their own hands: They say they would safeguard it easily due to nature of the place because it’s surrounded, nearly from every quarter, by a river and marsh & has but a single, narrow approach. A favor is granted to the people begging — though Vercingetorix at first advised against, afterwards submits — both for their own pleas and gaining pity of the crowd. Sufficient men are chosen as defenders for the town. 16 Vercingetorix follows close behind Caesar on shorter marches and selects a place for camps protected by wetlands and forest sixteen hundred paces away from Avaricum. He ascertained by trustworthy spies throughout the day what was happening at Avaricum and ordered what he intended to occur. He observed all our expeditions for supplies & food and when compelled to venture further too spread out, he attacked them and inflicted a sizeable inconvenience; nonetheless, how much could be by strategy foreseen, did our own charge against in order that at uneven intervals and by frustrated paths they be enraged. 17 When Caesar’s camps had been placed before which part of the town, in dividing the river and marshes (as we stated above), held a narrow path, he undertook to outfit a wall, affix protective awnings, starts to construct the two towers because the place was so situated as prevented our blockade to surround. He stopped not besieging the Boei and Aedui with requests regarding supply of grain; the former, for outright lack of willingness to act, were of no use. The latter, impoverished for supplies — because their state was poor and weak — did quickly consume what resources they had. Since the army was beset by most inconvenient trouble in their supply of grain due to the Boei’s stinginess, Aeduans’ neglecting good faith, the structures’ being torched right on up till then although the troops, for some days, lack food and endured extreme privation — despite a herd of livestock having been brought there from village far off — still is no voice of theirs heard unbecoming the Roman people’s glory or victories previous. Thereupon did Caesar, when he had called upon the legions laboring and says that if they found the scarcity too harsh he would discontinue the attack, they unanimously demand that he not do that; with he as commander, they had served a good number of years & that they will not accept a shred of disgrace, never would scrap a mission incomplete; they would take it quite shameful here if they abandoned after embarking on a siege, better to endure all bitter ills than not due honor’s sacrifice for the Roman citizens who perished at Cenabum by the treachery of Gauls. 18 Now when the siege towers had drawn near town’s wall, Caesar learned from prisoners that Vercingetorix, after eaten up the forage grass, had relocated his base camp closer to Avaricum and had himself set out, with cavalry and light armed soldiers — who were used to engage imbedded amongst knights — came there for an ambush where he determined our men were, the next day, to go for fodder. After these facts were verified, silently in the middle of the night he departs and reached the enemies’ camp by early dawn. The enemy, made speedily aware by scouts of Caesar’s arrival, hid their rustic wagons and own equipment in dense foliage, all drew their necessities onto an elevated position exposed. As this was made known, Caesar immediately ordered their packs to be unshouldered and arms be ready made. 19 There was a hill inclining lightly from its foot. From nearly every region an impassably problematic marsh surrounded it, a width of fifty paces. At this hill, after bridges had been smashed, the Gauls concentrated themselves — relying on position — and, divided by family within each tribal division, they occupied all the stream’s shallow and marshland passages inwardly expecting, should the Romans try hacking through the swamp, that they’d get bogged down and could dislodge them from upon a stronger place; so that whoever saw the local proximity would assume they were prepared for fighting with god, the War roughly on the level — with the result that who sees through the inequality’s condition should perceive they are to disclose themselves for a hollow ruse. For the troops, taking this at slight consequence, does Caesar (since enemies could penetrate vision’s field because so great — an intervening, tiny space) explain also as they demand the signal to attack how great a loss it would take the death of so many bravely strong men to assure success; that when he sees these men prepared courageously like this — that their intent’s to accept any risk for glory’s praise — he should find himself guilty of high unfairness’ crime if he were not to hold their life more dear than his own health. 20 After Vercingetorix returned to his people he was accused of treason on the grounds that he had moved the encampments nearer the Romans, that he went off along with the entire cavalry, he had left so great a reserve without authority’s command, that with his departure the Romans arrived at chance of so great an opportunity with speed — all of these facts can’t have happened by accident free from design — & that he preferred sovereignty, by agreement with Caesar, over Gaul rather than in service of themselves; so blamed in such a way, he replied to these charges thus: That he had relocated the camp, was done due to lack of foraging, fuel and at their own urging; that he’d gone nearer the Romans persuaded of advantage in the spot so as to defend it, fortified, himself: But the knights’ service was, ought not have been needed in wetland environment and were useful where they had gone. That he’d intentionally not handed down the utmost authority to anyone was so he not be forced by the majority’s eagerness to make a showing in battle; for this cause he saw they all desired that, because their weak will’s soft, they could no longer bear the effort. The Romans, if they did happen to cut them off, luck’s fortune! — if they were summoned by intelligence of someone or thing, this is to be held in gratitude both because they had been able to ascertain their puny number from an elevated place and that they could look down on their courage: Those who dared to fight not, cowardly turned themselves back in to camp. Command, that he’d not want a bit from Caesar by means of treachery, since he might be able to grasp victory, which then was being sought by himself and for all people of Gaul: He said he ‘d not throw it back at them should they grant him greater esteem of office than they were seen to accept in taking health’s safety from him. “Just so you understand, I’m saying this quite clear honestly, listen to the Roman soldiers.” He brings out some slavehands whom he captured while foraging a few days before and tortured with starvation in confinement. These men had already been informed as to what they would say when questioned, that they are soldiers of the infantry led by hunger and scarcity to depart the camps in stealth to see whether they could find some crops or animals in fields; the whole army is constrained by like lack of resources and their strengths were not even remotely enough to possibly withstand needful work: & that so the Commander decided if they have made progress in besieging town by the third day, will lead the army away. “These benefits,” did Vercingetorix say, “you have derived from me, who you accuse of treachery; and you see yourselves how, by the trouble of this man without expense of your blood, great a victorious army is wracked by famine: How shamefully it recovers from retreat that no tribe’s state may recover its own territory’s borders has been by me foreseen.” 21 The crowd cries out all at once and bang their weapons together according to custom like they fucking do whenever they support someone’s rhetoric: They proclaim Vercingetorix chief be commander and that neither is to be doubted his good faith nor that the war couldn’t be conducted in a more strategic way. They stipulate ten precious thousand men be sent from the whole reserve of troops into the town and don’t believe that collective security ought be entrusted to the Biturigs alone because they did not sufficiently comprehend that, in this case, if they would’ve held intact the town to comprise pinnacle’s success. 22 The Gauls’ designs like this (they are an incredibly clever people in all following the leader and suited best to practicing what is given them from someone else) are deployed against the exceptional bravery of our troops. That is, they used ropes to misdirect our grappling hooks which, when they had landed their mark did the Gauls haul inside with pulleys; they also undermined our siege apparatus with underground tunnels — quite knowledgeable, as digging ore is a big thing with them and every type of mine is known through their use. They also had outfitted the entire defensive wall, literally up from every section, with structures and protected these with hides. Then, as their daily and nocturnal blitzes come more and more frequently, they either tried to set fire to our wall or would attack soldiers busy at work and as great a height as our siege platform — which the wall had daily piled upwards — they equaled with the frame of their own towers constructed opposing; they impeded our trenchworks with sharpened logs hardened by fire and with boiling tar and the most massive rocks, even tried to prevent approaching the fortifications. 23 So all Gallic walls consist of, more or less, this form: Wooden beams are evenly spaced the whole length of the wall two feet apart upon the ground. These are threaded, bound together and piled over with a great deal of earth; then those spaces we mentioned are filled in with boulders & facing outwardly. Once these are assembled and connected, an other set’s added so the same gap is employed and that there be no contact between the beams; but each block of timbers, separated by equal intervals, is reinforced with individual stones wedged expertly in between. Thus is the entire fortification stitched together while a wall’s desired height’s achieved. The product of this work is not overly uniform, or aesthetically unkind, in its combining wood and stones that serve to regulate their ranks with orderly lines, but also retains the utmost advantage in practicality for cities’ defense because both stone and fissile material respectively withstand fire and blunt force; with series of beams continuous for forty feet — & almost all internally connected — its matter cannot be broken or torn down… 24 As the onslaught was hindered by these numerous considerations, since the troops were detained by ceaseless rain the whole winter, still did the main army surmount all these many obstacles by working consistently and within twenty-five days erected an apparatus three-hundred thirty feet wide of eighty feet in height. When he was nearly to bridge the enemies’ fortification, as Caesar was keeping his habitual lookout over encouraging the soldiers to work so that no space of time in any way detract from the effort, just before the third watch noted smoke from the wall which the enemy had burrowed a tunnel beneath; and right then, a shout’s raised up the whole length of the structure as out two gates — from either side of the towers, a sneak attack occurs — some were hurling torches and kindling from the defensive wall on to the siege works at a distance they poured oil and additional material which could fan flames so that a coordinated response would be difficult to direct where aid was first to rush, or to which situation’s part. However, since Caesar’s rule was always that two legions stand on guard over the encampments, there were a great many at work in rotating shifts. This happened quickly so that some of the warriors defended against the attacks; others reinforced the siege towers and hacked around the parts of wall on fire (though every-one of them ran together from the camps to extinguish it). 25 When the remaining part of the night was already exhausted of the fight in all parts with the enemies’ hope of winning eternally renewed, then all the more since they saw that the defensive shields about the towers were consumed, did not notice men approach uncontested visibly to assist (and fresh ones would keep taking over for the tired when spent — & they determined rightly that Gaul’s whole health had been lodged at this famed point in time) — there occurred before our observing a sight worthy of recollection which we think one ought not omit. A particular Gallic man before the town gate kept hurling into the fire, in the vicinity of a siege tower, loads of tallow and pitch delivered him by hand: Hit by a catapult from the right side, he falls down dead. One Gaul came across the man lying there from amongst those around him. He performed his duty on that same fortification. In the same way killed by an other artillery hit, he is relieved by a third; a fourth replaces him. No sooner is that noted section left free of warfighters than the siege rampart is put out, and when the enemy’s driven off from every part is the fighting made to end. 26 After trying everything, since no attempt had approached success, the next day, having taken counsel, they undertake to flee the town as Vercingetorix suggests and orders. They began this in night’s silence hoping that they would not cause themselves great cost of loss seeing as how Vercingetorix’s camp was not far from the town and that the swamp, which went unbroken the whole way, slowed the Romans in pursuit. Now they even tried to do this, that night, when venerated mothers suddenly ran out in public and threw crying themselves down at their family members’ feet, with all prayers, they pleaded that the men not surrender them and give they’re our own children to the foes to beg not to be tortured because natural weakness & deficiencies of strength prevent them from taking flight. When they saw their husbands obstinate in their intent (as, in general, terror admits not pity at the most dangerous times), they start screaming at once to notify the Romans they’re running away. Here the Gallic men, grown so terrified in fear of roads as taken in advance by the Romans’ cavalry — they decided to desist from their plan. 27 Next day: With the tower advanced and completion of siegeworks Caesar had decided to build, as a great storm bursts, he determined it a fairly appropriate time to achieving his design, for he saw the guards up on the rampart had been placed a little too carelessly and ordered his men to continue in their work rather half-heartedly & revealed what he wanted to occur; and when the legions had set out under cover of foliage, he incited them to pluck at last their victory as the fruit for such great, many efforts; for those who mounted the wall first he offered rewards and gave the signal to the troops. These men, from everywhere at once, rushed forward and did quickly take full possession of the wall. 28 The enemy, thoroughly petrified by this turn of events, fell back from the wall and guard towers to the town center and assembled a wedge formation in plainly open sight with the belief that, whatever part they were approached directly hostile from, they would battle in formation’s line. When they saw no one came down to a level footing, that instead they were entirely surrounded by a wall from every part, in fear that their hope of fleeing was entirely cut off they made for the furthest parts of town — away from their arms cast down — in one continuous, heaving rush; then some (since they were stampeding through the gates’ narrow egress) were killed by the soldiery, while the rest made it out the gates to the cavalry: Not a man was over-eager for spoils. So, enraged both by the massacre at Cenabum and the effort’s labor, with no regard for age, they spare neither women nor babies. All in all, from the entire mass, which had been nearly forty thousand people, maybe eight hundred who bolted from the town at the first cry of terror made it through safely to Vercingetorix. He took them (the night already far advanced) silently from their flight afraid that between a mob of them formed in the camps and crowd’s pitiful suffering, a rebellion might break out; so he takes care that they’re stationed far along the road with their relations, friends and own leaders of the tribal states by whom they are to be separated and conducted to their kin — that part of the camps assigned to each clan from the onset. 29 Following day, council called, he encourages by suggesting they neither let themselves get too depressed nor be overly vexed at the defeat; says it’s not through courage that the Romans have won in battle, but by means of a stratagem and skill in siege warfare — a matter in which they themselves were unfamiliar. Tells them they’re wrong if any of them hope, in war, to have matters turn out entirely free of misfortune; that he’d never been pleased with idea of Avaricum’s defense, fact which he had themselves as witnesses of: Rather, thing occurred due to the Biturigs’ ignorance and lax judgment on the part of the rest. As a result, he said he takes this defeat as a setback, but one which he would correct right away with greater advantages.–for those states, out of the remaining Gallic tribes, which differ in intent, claims these he will make join through perseverance and bring about one plan of all Gaul that the lands’ globe could certainly not oppose the agreement; and to consider he had near already done it. In the meantime he consoles them to be up to the task of shared security achieved so that they make ready to fortify the encampments in order to more easily hold off sudden attacks of the enemies. 30 The Gauls actually approved of this talk, & particularly that he had not lost his spirit despite suffering so great a disaster and hadn’t hidden under cover and fled the gaze of the masses; and the moreso that he inwardly decided previous to watch out and knew what was coming as his entire plan from the first had been to torch Avaricum — he decided afterwards in favor of relenting. And so, while unfortunate turn of events diminishes the respect of other commanding elders, in contrast to this, his authority — once defeat was accepted — grew by the day. They rush at once into hope over his assertion regarding the remaining tribes, that they must be allied; and first thing the Gauls did right then was begin to reinforce camp defenses and rebuild their confidence like that: People accustomed to exertion think as though everything authority directs they must endure. 31 No less than he promised, Vercingetorix works laboriously to unite the rest of the tribes and tries to entice them with gifts and promises. He selects sufficient people for the task, each of whose oratorical tricks or personal friendship might most easily attain success. He takes pains that those who had escaped Avaricum after the assault be outfitted with weapons and clothed; similarly, so that the depleted ranks be once again replenished, he demands a fixed number of the tribal states’ troops, the day even before which he prefers they be brought to his camp, and he requests all of the archers (there was quite a large number of these in Gaul) to be gathered together and sent to him. By these arrangements he does quickly make good on what was lost at Avaricum. Teutomatus, son of the Nitiobriges’ King Ollovicon — his father was awarded title of “Allied Friend” by our Senate — arrived with a massive amount of his own cavalry and hired men he led purchased out of Aquitaine. 32 Caesar waited quite some days at Avaricum and, having found a choice store of produce and other provisions, he relieved his army of their activity’s privation. Winter was already nearly passed when summoned at campaigning season to carry on the war, he had his arrangements made after deciding either to draw him away from the woodland marshes or perhaps he could pressure them with siege — some Aedui chieftains in diplomatic envoy come to him to plead for his assistance at an unbelievably crucial time for their tribe: He is informed that matter of state is at the heighth of danger as, despite that their traditional custom had always been a single tribal head be appointed and occupy sovereign power for the year, two rulers would be governor and either claimed he was elected according to their laws; they said one of these men, Convictolitave — a vibrantly distinguished, young noble — and the other, Cotus (born of a most venerated line, himself a man of the utmost ability — also from a noted family), whose father Valetiacus had won the same office of Magistrate the year before. That the entire tribe is up in arms, their assembly’s divided, divided populace and the supporters, dependents of either man, they proclaim, should the conflict develop any further, will be a clash between two sides of one state: To head that off is placed in his careful persuasion’s authority. 33 Despite that Caesar believed his absense from the fight and enemy could be detrimental, he still remained aware how great are the setbacks which habitually arise from political turmoil. In order that so powerful a state allied to the Roman People — one which he himself always supported and had honored at every opportunity — not degenerate to violence in arms, and that faction which had lesser trust in himself not send for support from Vercingetorix, having determined the need of preventing this action in advance (as it is illegal, according to the Aedui’s own laws by which they maintain their Chief’s official position, for him to overstep their borders) in order that he not appear to have detracted in any way from their legality or laws, Caesar undertook to travel to the Aedui and convened their entire Counsel, as well as the men involved in the controversy, summoning Decetias to his side. When just about the whole town had come together there, as he was instructed by a few men called privately in a separate place, that at another time it had been required for one brother to be made Chief by his, — since the laws not only forbid two men from a single family while both are still alive from being made chief magistrate, but also even prohibit such in their Senate — he compelled Cotus to relinquish his claim to sovereignty; Convictolitave he ordered to lay hold of power so that he be ordained ruler by the priests, with related magistracies separated by a term — according to the State’s precedent. 34 With this verdict arrived at he advised the Aedui to forget about their conflicts, the disagreement and to, once all the matters in these circumstances were disregarded, support this war; and that they could expect from him those rewards which they had earned once Gaul is subdued; also to send their full cavalry and ten thousand soldiers to him in haste for the purpose of distributing them in garrisons to protect their provisions he divided his forces into two bodies: He gives four legions to Labienus to be led into the territory of the Senons and Parisii. He himself leads six to the town Gergovia, against the Arverni across the river Elaver; he assigns some of the cavalry to him, leaves the rest under his own command. Once this was realized, Vercingetorix begins by breaking all the river’s bridges down to make his way up from the other bank. 35 When each force on either side had emerged further on, they placed their camps within sight near the locale of the other ones which the scouts laid out so that in no place might the Romans bring supplies across the river. Caesar’s situation was incredibly difficult as he would be cut off from the river for the majority of the warm season since the Elaver usually was not to be crossed until just before harvest. So to prevent this, camps were located in a wooded spot also near one of the bridges which Vercingetorix had made sure to break apart. The following day did Caesar fall back with two legions hidden from sight. He sent ahead the rest of the supplies with all their baggage according to protocol and some tenths of a legion in plain sight so that their number appeared unchanged; these were ordered to proceed spread far as widely as they could. When he had already inferred from the day’s hour that they had arrived at the encampments, he commenced rebuilding a bridge, the lower part of which still remained intact, upon its very same foundations: The work’s quickly completed, legions led across; when a suitable place for camp is chosen, he calls for the rest of the supplies. Vercingetorix — action perceived — in fear of being forced to fight against his intention, takes off ahead by way of well-trodden paths. 36 Caesar marched five days from that spot and arrived at Gergovia; & a limited cavalry engagement occurred that day just within view of the city’s site, which being lodged upon a towering mountain held all approaches as quite difficult; he gave up hope of direct assault and as soon as he settled upon setting up a blockade, set out to procure supply of grain for food. But Vercingetorix concentrated the reserves of each individual tribe separately in the camps he established near the town with a fair quantity of space removed about him and offered, as the hills of this ridge were occupied each one all, an intimidating appearance; and the chiefs of the Gallic states that he had chosen to plan counsel with himself, he orders them to gather at his side by morning light each day in case something seemed important to either communicate or direct; he left almost not a single day free from cavalry skirmishing supported by his archers — so that he could observe in which of his men were a brave and fighting spirit. There was, right near the city, a hill just beneath the very base of the mountain; a notably secured position, it held a steep drop from every side. If our men were to hold this, it looked like they would prevent the enemy, in large part, from access to water and generous foraging. But its location is kept from them by a garrison which is not unassailable. Caesar yet slips out from the camps in night’s silence before it was possible for reinforcement from the town to arrive, knocks back the detachment to gain position where he stations two legions and directed twelve-foot parallel trenches from the main to lesser camps so that, a sudden rush of the enemies fully guarded against, the men would even be able to keep in constant contact between them. 37 As these things are happening around Gergovia, Convictolave the Aeduan, whose claim of authority we have shown as determined proper by Caesar, was lured to be bought off by the Arverni and confers with some number of young men. Foremost of these was Litaviccus, and his brothers too — youths born from a highly distinguished family. He divides the money with these men strongly encouraging them to remember that they were free and born to rule. He mentions the Aeduis’ tribe is the one state holding Gaul back from absolutely certain victory and that the rest of the peoples are constrained by his authority, how — with this state caused to change allegiance — there would be no place to make a stand left for the Romans in Gaul. That he is held by Caesar’s favor in no low regard he so pleads still that he will, had procured the utmost position by right with him; but moreso to bestow it upon collective safety: & why should the Aeduan tribe prefer to go, in its fair right and rules, to Caesar as its judge rather than the Romans coming to the Aedui? As the young are quickly misled by the ruler’s speech and bribe, since even the chieftains declared they would be leaders of his plan, a means of accomplishing it was sought (as they had no trust that the country in fear could be led to taking up arms for war). It was found acceptable for Litaviccus to be placed in charge of the ten thousand men which were to be sent to Caesar for battle, also that he should see to it these were led for their cause; and his brothers would march ahead against Caesar. They settled the remainder that would please to be carried out this plan. 38 With the reserves taken, when Litaviccus was about thirty miles from the town he cries out to his hastily assembled ranks, “Where are we heading,” he says, “to soldiers? Our whole cavalry, all our nobles have perished; our city’s leaders, Eporedorix and Viridomarus, were accused of treason by the Romans who killed them without a formal charge. Do learn the facts from these men who fled from the actual execution; because since the brothers and all my relatives were killed, I am too constrained by grief to inform you of what has been going on.” Some men whom he had carefully instructed as to what he wanted them to say are paraded out and they corroborate for the crowd the very things which Litaviccus had just announced: All the Aeduan horsemen had been killed for being said to have negotiated with the Arverni; they themselves hid in a crowd of troops and got out from the midst of the slaughter. The Aedui cry out at once and plead with Litaviccus to offer them advice. “But,” he tells them, “if there truly may be cause for taking counsel, we must not need to reach Gergovia and join the Arverni. Though ought we to doubt that the Romans, fresh on the heels of committing this unspeakable atrocity, are racing here in order for us to be killed right now? So therefore if you have any mind at all, let us avenge the death of those who have so cruelly died and do away with these plundering thieves.” He brings up some Roman citizens who had gone along with him in trust of his protection. Right on the spot, taking a large amount of produce and goods he robs whom he cruelly tortures and then kills. He sends messengers off over the whole of the Aeduis’ territory, persists in spreading the same lie about the cavalry and chiefs: He urges them to take vengeance, in the same way he had, for their own harms done. 39 Eporedorix, an Aeduan lad born to elevated position at a home most able of resources, along with Viridomarus, of like age and good bearing – though quite different in his ancestry (he had been entrusted by Diviacaeus to Caesar himself who had brought him from a humble place up to the heighth of excellence esteemed) — both of whom were personally selected by that man to join the cavalry’s ranks; due to the aforementioned facts, there was some tension between the youths regarding primacy of place and in relation to the dispute between the magistracies as one contended for Convictolitave, the other for Cotus — both quite vehemently in their influence and wealth. On behalf of them both — Litaviccus’ plan had been found out just short of midnight — Eporedorix brings the matter to Caesar’s attention, says he cannot allow his state to do away with the Roman People’s alliance of friendship over the designs of crooked young men and that he would see to it that, if so many thousands of people were at risk of being allied with the enemy, neither could their relatives neglect nor tribe fail to value their security as hanging in the balance. 40 The announcement of this news affected Caesar with a great deal of concern, for he had always been particularly partial to the Aeduis’ state; without a delay of uncertainty, he led four light armed legions from the camp. There was not sufficient span of time for contracting them since the matter’s fact looked to have been placed in haste. He leaves Gaius Fabius in charge with two legions in defense of the camps. As he had ordered Litaviccus’ brothers to be apprehended, he discovers they had run off to the enemy a short while before. After rallying the troops not to be distracted at this crucial time from the march’s labor, he sets out some twenty-five miles with his all his most devoted men to within sight of the Aeduan ranks, the cavalry deployed, and waits in, to obstruct, their path forbidding them to kill a single man. He orders Eporedorix and Viridomarus — whom they assumed were dead — to turn up amongst the cavalries and call to their countrymen. When these men  were recognized (and Litaviccus’ deceit had been laid bare), the Aedui try to seize him, begin to note the treachery and take upon themselves his execution with their weapons drawn. Litaviccus took all his dependents (whom, according to Gallic custom, it is forbidden for their patrons to abandon if even in most dire chance) and escapes to Gergovia. 41 The announcements were sent to the Aeduan tribe in order that they show (for his own benefit) that the men whom he could, by law of armed conflict, have put to death were secure; when the signal for three hours of night’s watch was given in stealth, Caesar moved the camps closer to Gergovia. At nearly the halfway point then Fabius sent some knights who relate how dangerous the situation had become. They explain that they camps were attacked with so vast a supply of resources & troops, as fresh reserves were a relief to the weary and would exhaust our men in the incessant effort, so that it had been necessary — on account of the camps’ great size — for the latter in the valley to stay put. They mention many had been injured by onslaught of arrows and projectiles of every type, that they employed themselves to great effect in withstanding these pressures; when they set out (two gates were still left), Fabius barricaded the rest and affixed the protective screens to the wall and that he’s prepared into the next day for a like event. Having acknowledged these matters, Caesar made it to the camp — due to all haste were his men — before rising’s sun. 42 While these things were going on about Gergovia, the Aedui — since hearing Litaviccus’ messengers first — leave themselves no interval for learning the real news. Greed motivates some, anger drives others; fear also (which is innately characteristic to their race) compels them to take the idle rumor for verified fact. They seize the Roman citizens’ goods, perform executions, haul them off to be slaves. Convictolitavis helps the situation to fall fully out and drives the people to such frenzied extent is shameful to admit the crime and be turned back to reason. They bring Marcus Aristius, a commanding officer on his way to the legion, out from the promised good faith of the town Cabillon: They force the men who settled there for the purpose of conducting business to do the same. Insurgents rob these men of all their baggage full length of the road, harry them by attacking day and night; after many are slain on either side, they provoke an even greater number of armed men. 43 Meanwhile, message goes through that all their troops were held under Caesar’s authority; they run to Aristius, point out this as done in absense of public debate. They: Decide the issue with reference to the pillaged items, confiscate the possessions of Litaviccus and his brothers, send a diplomatic envoy to Caesar for the purpose of gaining favor’s excuse. Which they do for the sake of getting their people back; but tinged with guilt over the crime and purchased with a bribe from the stolen property, as this matter involved so many man, they were petrified in fear of punishment and undertake to enter in secret negotiations regarding the state of war; also they alert the other states through diplomatic channels. However, soon as Caesar discerned this, he nevertheless admits the ambassadors as placatingly as one can: That he is neither to judge too harshly their state on account of the common people’s ignorance and frivolity, nor is he detracted in his good favor towards the Aeduan people. The General himself, in anticipation of a larger uprising — that they might be surrounded by all of Gaul and cut off — enters into advisory discussions as to how he might withdraw from Gergovia and pull back the entire force in order that their departure born of fear not look as though the retreat of failure. 44 As the man considers these things, a means for gaining advantage seemed to fall out. Now as he entered in the smaller camp for the sake of overseeing the effort, he spies a hill which was normally held by the foe, but had been cleared of men (and for some days previous was scarcely even visible in light of their number); he noticed and asked the reason why of some refugees — a great wave of these came to him daily. Amongst them all it was agreed — and Caesar immediately determined this fact himself by way of scouts — that the hill’s incline at the top was nearly level, but wooded and enclosed so as to form approach at the other end to town; they were especially fearful towards this spot, that they felt no different at the time, should one ridge be by the Romans occupied, and they were to lose another, it looked for sure like they would be almost totally hemmed in and cut off from all chance of escape and foraging: They said everyone had been called up by Vercingetorix to safeguard this hill. 45 When this was learned, Caesar sends several squads of cavalry. He commands them after midnight to roam a bit too noisily afield in every part; at morning light orders a large amount of baggage and mules to be brought out from the camps, that straw be left behind and some mule-cart operators in helmets, under the guise of cavalry, also act like they were to surround the hills. He attached a few knights to these in order that they wander even more widely for the sake of appearance. After a far way roundabout, he orders them to make for the same points. These actions were seen a ways off from the town (since the view from Gergovia looked down into the camps), and at so great a distance was not possible what that was to be found out for sure. He stations a whole legion on one hill, positions it advanced a bit at a lower point and hides them in forest. Suspicion for the Gauls grows worse and all their forces there are drawn to reinforce. Having seen the enemies’ camp empty, with the emblems of his own men covered and military standards concealed, he draws a few soldiers in stealth (so as to not be noticed from the town) from the larger camps to the smaller one and shows the communications officials, which he had appointed for each of the legions, how he wants this to go: He warns, as the first things foremost, that the troops maintain discipline so as not to advance too far in spoiling for a fight or hopes of plunder; he lays out what the unequal position comprises at a disadvantage: That this could be changed at a single rush’s movement; a matter of opportunity, not open battle. After these circumstances are fully explained, he gives the signal and deploys, from the right hand side — at a different gradient & the same time — the Aeduan men. 46 If there were direct access, the town wall was twelve hundred paces from the plain up the ascent as a crow flies: Whatever additional circumvention here was needed to assuage the incline increased the length of the approach. From about halfway up the hill as the mountain was situated, the Gauls constructed a six-foot wall made out of boulders which was to slow our men’s charge and, with the area below left entirely clear, they had filled the hill’s higher ground all the way up to the wall of the town with densely compacted encampments. When the sign was given, the soldiers quickly reach the fortification and gain possession of three camps; by crossing this they did so quickly storm the camps that King Teutomatus of the Nitiobriges was overrun quite suddenly while inside his tent; result was concluded by midday so that, unclothed from the waste on a wounded horse, he scarcely got away from the clutches of troops trying to capture him. 47 After achieving what he had intended, Caesar ordered that the signal to fall back be sounded and for the Tenth Legion, which he was with, he immediately halted their banners. Also the troops of the remaining legions — the horn’s sound was not uniformly heard — they were being held in check, since a fair sized ravine lay between, by the commanding and communications officers just like Caesar had instructed. But carried off in hopes of a quick victory and the enemies’ retreat, even mindful of fortunate battles in previous times — they supposed no achievement as so towering that they could not through courage obtain, and did not halt their pursuit before they had approached to near the town’s wall and gates. Then a real uproar arose from every section of the city to the effect that those who were further off, frightened by the sudden disturbance, raced outside of the town in belief the enemy were before the gates. Ladies and mothers were hurling clothes and silver from the wall and stretched, with breasts bared, their hands begging that the Romans pity them and not do like they did at Avaricum in fear the troops would not spare the women, if not at least children: Some actually gave themselves over to soldiers’ hands in scaling down the ramparts. Lucius Fabius, Centurion of Legion Eight, was said to have remarked amongst his men that day he was thrilled by Avaricum’s rewards so he would bring about that no one could sooner mount the wall; he got three of his common soldiers and, uplifted by these men, climbed the fortification.— in return, he takes these each and lifted them onto the wall 48 Meanwhile, the men who had amassed at the other end of the town, as we related above, for the sake of defense — right when the shouting was heard — they thereby as well grew excited with fear at the raucus announcements that the town was in process of being taken by the Romans; with the cavalry leading, they fought to get there in a massive stampede. As soon as each of them arrived, he took position beneath the fortification and aided the ranks of his own men as they fought. When quite a number of them had arrived there, motherly ladies, who a short while before stretched their hands out from the wall to the Romans, started to plead with their own men according to Gallic fashion, displaying their hair spread wide, and presented their children for them to look at. The Romans were at a disadvantage of position and outnumbered; also, tired from the charge and proximity of engagement, they were not particularly invigorated holding off men ready and able. 49 Since Caesar saw it as fought from a disparate position and that the enemies’ forces were being supplemented, somewhat anxious for his people, he sent to the legion commander, Titus Sextius, whom he had left to defend the smaller encampments, to the effect that he lead quickly detachments from out of the camps and establish a presence at the foot of the hill to the right of the enemies’ flank so that, if he were to see our troops had been dislodged from their post, he would frighten the enemies into restraining their pursuit. The Chief advancing a bit from there stationed with his legion took a stand where he expected the battle to end up. 50 As the enemy was relying, in most bitter hand to hand struggle, upon position and number due to our strength of courage suddenly are the Aedui seen on our open side; Caesar dispatched them from the right at a different gradient for the sake of keeping their forces apart. These men, due to similarity of arms, did absolutely terrify ours and even though they were discerned with upper arms uncovered (which was the customary indication alliance was or to be made), still the soldiers thought even that was done by the enemies for their own troops to be deceived. At the same time, Lucius Fabius the Centurion and those with whom he climbed the wall were surrounded, killed and thrown from the rampart. Marcus Petronius, a Centurion of the same legion, since he undertook to destroy the gate, was overwhelmed by a huge mob and, though the situation seemed hopeless for himself — despite having sustained already a great many injuries, — told his own subordinates who had followed him, “Since I am unable, for once, to serve with you, in truth I wish to look out surely for your life — my men whom I have led to danger because I was too eager for renown; you must, while there’s still time, watch out for yourselves.” Right then he rushed into the middle of the enemy host and moved back, with two slain, the rest a short way from the gate. To the men trying to assist him, “It’s worthless,” he said, “for you to attempt to save my life which blood and strength already failing cause to fade. Get out of here while there’s still a way and take yourselves back to the Legion.” Fighting like this, fallen a little after: He was health for his men’s safety. 51 Our men, being pressured from all sides, were driven to fall back from their position at a loss of forty-six centurions. However, the Tenth Legion, which had taken a slightly more equal position in relief did detain the Gauls whose pursuit was a bit too confident. An expeditionary force of the Thirteenth Legion relieved them in turn; they had been led from the smaller camps under Titus Sextius, the Legate Officer, and took the higher ground. As soon as the legions reached the open plain, they made a stand against the enemy with signs of distress. Vercingetorix led his men from the base of the hills back behind the fortifications. On that day just under seven hundred soldiers were lost. 52 The following day, at a counsel convened, Caesar disciplined his troops’ overzealous lack of discipline for having decided themselves how it appeared the proceedings were to go or what seemed needed to be done; and that they had not halted their advance when the signal to fall back was given, couldn’t even be restrained by the military tribunes or command officers. He related what was the potential of unequal footing, which he himself had been aware of before Avaricum, when he turned down a prospective victory over enemies caught off guard, without leader or cavalry, so as not to take on even a modest loss in the conflict on account of inferior positioning. Though he admired the extent of their bravery — which the camp fortifications, a towering mountain, town’s wall had not succeeded in impeding — equally sizably said he finds fault with their too bold and excessive arrogance as they thought themselves better able than their Commander to make judgments of victory and strategic withdrawal; he explained that in an army, they need disciplined self-control no less than courage and strength of character. 53 With this assembly having been held (and as the soldiers were made resolute towards the speech’s conclusion), in order they not be too deeply moved on this count, and not attribute to the enemy’s bravery something which inequality of place had caused, thinking the same about their departure which he had thought before, he led the legions from their camps and positioned their line in an appropriate locale. Since Vercingetorix would not deploy any lower to a level footing, skirmishing only with cavalry, Caesar led the army back to camp. After he had made the same attempt the following day, he relocated the camps closer to the Aedui in consideration of the fact that the soldiers’ will had to be solidified for the purpose of making sufficient reductions to the Gallic show of force. Not even then, upon the third day, had the enemy given chase; he refashioned the bridges upon the Elaver River and led across the army. 54 Thereupon, by Viridomarus and Eporedorix called, he learns that Litaviccus and the entire cavalry had set out to rouse the Aedui to arms and that the effort required them to march ahead and assure the town’s citizens. Now, though there were a lot of reasons Caesar considered the treachery as observed of the Aedui fairly evident, even judged that the subversion of the tribe was being brought to fruition by the departure of these men, he still did not believe they ought be detained because, if they were to be so might either appear an unjustifiable wrong or would give them further cause for fear’s suspicion. The men setting out, he related in brief what his service towards the Aedui had earned: How lowly they were when he’d taken them on, limited to their towns, forfeiting of their farmland with all allies forced away — a fine imposed in pilfered hostages, the height of insult — which he had led them back from into what a fortune and how great!, so that, not only had they returned to their former standing, but were seen to have made image’s status and influence stand out in advance of all their history. These orders given — he dismissed them from his self. 55 Noviodunum, one of the Aedui’s towns, was conveniently situated over the banks of the river Liger. Caesar gathered all the prisoners from Gaul, supply of grain, public treasury, a great deal of the baggage belonging to his own men and the army collected there; from which he deployed a large number of cavalry, acquisitions from Italy and the Spanish province contracted for the war effort. Thereupon, when Eporedorix and Viridomarus had arrived and inquired of the political situation they are informed that the Aedui had taken Litaviccus in at Bibracte – a city held to be of the most authoritative reputation, – that Convictolitavis had summoned the tribal officials and a large part of the elders, diplomats were sent openly to Vercingetorix for the purpose of petitioning a friendly reconciliation, the Gauls determined in no way must one fail to take advantage of so urgent a need. So, with watchmen of Noviodunum slain, they held a meeting there for the sake of trading or travel, divided the money and horses amongst themselves – arranged the hostages of the states to be handed over to the tribe’s ruler in Bibracte – and set fire to the town in order that it not provide an advantage to the Romans since they judged themselves incapable of defending it; they hauled off what grain they could manage on the spot to ships ruining what remained in the river or by flame. Those men went about collecting their troops and supplies from the local area, distributed garrisons and lookouts along the Liger’s banks and began, all over in every part, to make a showing for the cause of instilling fear: If they could just keep the Romans from some grain or drive them from the province led by privation’s scarcity… and in this hope were greatly aided since the river was swollen from the snowfall so that it did seem wholly impossible to ford across. 56 Upon these matters’ ascertainment Caesar determined his need to bring to fruition that, if completing the bridgeworks were to be hazarded — in order that greater forces might sooner be collected there  – he was willing to fight. Because, for him to change their course altered deeper into the territory (as some for fear considered must be done), the disgrace and public shame, Mt. Cebenna being a hindrance and difficulty of rough roads — in particularly most important, that Labienus was cut off with his legions, which he had dispatched en masse, — his apprehension was considerable. So over some incredibly expansive marches, by day and night, which, when complete, he made it against everyone’s expectation to the Liger, and with a crossing conveniently found by the cavalry for the matter in need, so that they could be unencumbered, arms and shoulders, to carry their weaponry across the water — with the cavalry stationed strategically (to mitigate the river’s force) — and the enemy was fairly disturbed upon first sight of this, he led his army safely across and, having stumbled upon a field of grain and livestock store — his army replenished by these goods — he fixed a road to make for the Senon tribe. 57 While this was going on in Caesar’s sight, Labienus, having left the reinforcements which had just arrived from Italy at Agendincum so as to guard the supplies, set out with four legions for Lucetia. When his approach had been ascertained by the enemy, they assembled a huge number drawn from the neighboring tribes. The chief command is given over to Camulgenus Aulercus who, nearly too seasoned in age was still, on account of his focused knowledge of military matters, called to that distinguished office. This man, upon noticing a contiguous swampland which flowed into Sequana, he obstructed that whole place entirely by holding a position he undertook to prevent our men from crossing. 58 At first Labienus attempted to advance the bulwarks, fill the marsh with earth and timber, trying also to fortify the approach. After realizing this was rather too challenging to execute, he withdrew under stealth from the camps at the third watch to the very path by which he had reached Metiosedum — one of the Senones’ towns located on the island of Sequana, as we did mention a bit before referencing Lutetia. As some fifty ships were requisitioned, then joined quickly together with a detachment of troops thrown in — the local people being very frightened by this innovation — a great portion of them were called up to the fight and gained possession of the town without a struggle. The bridge which hostiles had hacked down in the preceding days was rebuilt, Labienus transports the army, and downstream begins to make their way to Lutetia. The enemy, learning of this action from the refugees out of Metiosedum, orders Lutetia burned and that this town’s bridges be destroyed: The foe set out of the marsh to the banks of the Sequana and set their camps outside of Lutetia opposite Lebienus’ bivouac. 59 Caesar was already reported to have left from Gergovia (already rumors of the Aedui’s dereliction and a successful Gallic uprising were flying about) and the Gauls kept asserting in discussions he had been cut off from the main road and, upon the Liger, that scarcity of provisions compelled Caesar to rush carelessly into the province. Meanwhile the Bellovaci, subversive on their own before, — when the Aeduan desertion was known — they started to collect men and even prepare openly a war. Moreover, Labienus realized that, amidst so great a reversal of circumstances, he needed to procure a different plan by far and had been dwelling on matters previous, did not presently consider how he might adopt a different tactic and challenge the enemy in a skirmish, rather was thinking to withdraw the force unscathed to Agedincum. However the Bellovaci (the tribe which held the highest opinion of their own bravery in Gaul) were in pursuit from one direction with Camulogenus directing a force armed in formation to another; a massive river then held the legions off from the town’s defenses and cut them off of the baggage: He began to see, amidst such unforeseen problems thrown at him by strength of character was assistance to be sought. 60 Towards evening, a council called, urging them to implement what he had commanded with care and diligence — he assigns the ships he brought out of Metiosedum individually to each of the Roman cavalry units and orders to advance in silence at the discharge of the first watch some four thousand paces upon the righthand bank and await him there. He leaves five battalions which he determined the least hardened for battle at the camps as guard; commands five more from the same regiment to set out across the river in the middle of the night, with all the baggage, and to make quite a commotion. He also collects the lighter boats, sends these off with their tumultuous splashing of oars to the very same spot. The Commander in silence emerges shortly thereafter with over thirteen thousand legionaries advancing to where he had ordered the ships called up. 61 Upon arrival there, enemy scouts (they were placed over that whole section of the river) supposed that a massive horde had risen up suddenly and are overwhelmed by our people; the infantry and cavalry, quickly transported by the Roman knights he had appointed to manage the task. All almost at once just before morning is the enemy informed of an uncommon disturbance within the Roman encampments, and that a huge force had crossed the river; that the sound of oars was heard distinctly in that same vicinity and soldiers were carried over by boats somewhat nearby. When this intelligence was heard, as they supposed the legions crossed at three points, and even that all those incited by the uprising of the Aedui were making ready to flee, — the Gauls divide their forces too in three parts. Now, with a garrison left outside their camps proper and a scant detachment sent towards Metiosedum (and this went on only so far as the ships had advanced), they field the remainder of their troops against Labienus. 62 By sunrise our men were transferred and the enemies’ line of battle was visible. Labienus urged his soldiers to uphold the memory of their original courage and recollect the auspicious battles, consider that General Caesar — whose command the foe had often exceeded in number — was there with them: He gives the signal to attack. At first charge from the right flank, where the Seventh Legion had come into position, the enemy are repulsed and routed; from the left side, which the Twelfth Legion held, though the front lines of hostiles fell impaled by spears, yet still the remaining ferociously resisted and not a man gave even a hint of retreat. The opposing leader, Camulogenus himself, was amongst his men encouraging them. Presently, as even a victorious outcome was questionable, when announced to commanders of the Seventh what the situation was on the left flank, they extended the legion behind the enemy’s rear and advance the banners of war. Not even then did a man quit the engagement, for they were all surrounded and slain: Camulogenus met the same fate. But for those left as expeditionary against Labienus’ camps — soon as they heard the engagement commenced — they were marching to back-up their own, occupied a hill and were unable to hold off the rush of our conquering troops. When they joined up with their own people fleeing, and neither forest nor mountains provided them cover, they were obliterated by the cavalry. This service accomplished, Labienus turned back to Agedincum where the baggage of the whole army remained: From there, arrived at Caesar’s side with all soldiers, supplies. 63 Once the revolt of the Aedui became known, the war escalates. Envoys are sent into all regions of Gaul: With respect to how much esteem, influence and wealth they abound in the tribal states strive to instigate each other; the hostages Caesar pledged to their state are fetched, and by punishing them they intimidate the hesitant. The Aedui plead with Vercingeotrix to come to them and involve them in his plans for conducting the war. After this is granted, they agitate for high command to be bestowed upon themselves and, as the issue was steeped in contentious debate, an assembly of all Gaul is convened at Bibracte. A great number there converge from all over. The decision is given up to a vote of the masses: Unanimously they approve Vercingetorix as chief commander. Three tribes were not present at this meeting: The Remi and Lingons, because they observed their alliance of friendship with the Romans; Treveri, because  they were very far off and threatened by the German tribes, and this was the reason they were absent from the entire war and why they sent assistance to neither side. The Aeduan tribe takes being knocked from primacy of position quite sorely, they protest the reversal of their fortune and demand the favor Caesar had towards them — but still do not dare to disengage their own policy from the rest of them: War undertaken. Young men of the utmost promise, Eporedorix and Viridomarus submit reluctantly to Vercingetorix. 64 The Gaul demands prisoners pledged from the rest of the tribal states, appoints a due date for this matter. He orders all the cavalry, numbering fifteen thousand, to assemble with haste; says he is satisfied with the infantry which he had used previous, and that he will not test fate or fight in formation: Rather, since there is superfluity of cavalry, that it’s easily done to cut the Romans off from provisions and forage — only that they would lay waste their crops and burn the buildings with that same eagerness, in this loss of their own property, should see they aim at sovereignty and freedom. These matters being arranged, Aedui and Segusiavi (our provincial neighbors) order ten thousand troops which they supplement with eight hundred horse at Bibracte. He appoints Eporedorix’s brother as CO and commands him to attack the Allobroges. From another direction, he sends Gabali and the neighboring villages of the Arverni against the Helvii, likewise the Ruteni and Cadurci to devastate the Volcae and Arecomicis’ land. By communications and ambassadors at least as arcane he riles the Allobroges up, whose heads he hoped had yet to cool from their recent war: He promises their chieftains money, but offers the tribe control of the whole province. 65 A division of twenty-two cohorts had been prepared as defense in advance of all these contingencies; levied from the province by Maj. Gen. Lucius Caesar, they were set to attack in every direction. The Helvii, having joined battle voluntarily with the neighboring tribe, are beat back and — with the tribal chieftain G. Valerius Donnotaurus, son of Caburus, and a great many others killed — they are forced behind their urban fortifications. The Allobroges, thick with garrisons drawn up along that side of the Rhine, keep watch over their borders with the utmost care and diligence. Since Caesar understood the enemy outnumbered him in cavalry, and he could not even remotely be relieved from the province or Italy — all roads were cut off — he sends word across the Rhine into Germania summoning cavalry and light infantry (They’re their customary military units.) from the states he had subdued in prior years. At their approach, since they employ less hardy horse, he selects horses from the tribune commanders and from Roman cavalry — Noncoms, also the reserves… and allots them to the Germani. 66 In the meantime, while these actions are managed, a troop of enemies from the Arverni and cavalry levied entirely from Gaul now converged. A great many of these were rounded up in order that reinforcement could be more easily brought from the province, since Caesar was making his way towards the Sequani through the furthest reaches of the Lingons’ territory; some ten miles from the trio of Roman forts, Vercingetorix encamps and indicates the time for victory had arrived amidst his senior cavalry called to council: He alleges the Romans were fleeing towards Italy and withdrawing from Gaul; that this be sufficient for their purpose of procuring imminent freedom accomplishes little in the way of lasting peace and calm, since they would return with greater forces assembled and make for war without end. So, in response they ought attack the Romans encumbered on the march. If the foot-soldiers were to aid their own as reinforcing and be held up in this action, he points out they could not perform their march; and mentions he is more than confident this will happen, if Caesar’s men look towards their safety at the cost of abandoned baggage, it will go towards depriving them of use in practical necessities and strip them of grandeur: Now about the enemy horsemen, since no one would dare to advance one bit beyond their ranks, and they certainly must not hesitate, even that they might act with greater will, Vercingetorix does reveal that he is to conduct all forces in defense of the camps and for the purpose of terrifying their foes. The Knights cry out it’s logical necessity, to be proven by oath most solemnly sworn, that he who drives not twice through the marching Roman host must not return home, goes not to his children, his parents — cannot approach his wife. 67 The proposal was approved and upon the next day, all were impelled by the oath; the cavalry were divided into three groups: Two columns make themselves known upon both our flanks. At the first onrush, one more starts to hinder our march. This was reported to Caesar; he orders his own cavalry corps sectioned off three ways to march against the enemy. Fighting rages at once in every quarter. The formation halts, the baggage falls back amongst the legions. If our men seemed, in some section, to struggle or be too heavily under duress, Caesar directed the banners of War there and ordered the line into position; this tactic both slowed the enemy in its pursuit and encouraged our troops with hope of assistance. At length, the Germanic allies pushed the foes, who had gained the top of an incline, back off the ridge from the right side; they flee to the river where Vercingetorix had taken a position with the infantry forces: Our men in pursuit kill a great many of them. This fact was observed, the rest of their men grew afraid of being surrounded; they entrust their fate to flight: Carnage holds all over the place. Three eminently noble Aeduan captives are brought before Caesar: Cotus the cavalry Commander, who engaged in a dispute with Convictolitavis over the most recent election; Cavarillus, who had led the infantry forces after Litaviccus’ treachery; and Eporedorix, under whose leadership the Aedui had struggled at war with the Sequani before the coming of Ceasar. 68 With his whole cavalry routed, Vercingetorix caused his forces to fall back (as he had concentrated them before the camps), starts a march towards Alesia, a city of the Mandubi people, and quickly orders the baggage brought from the camps and that they march in supporting him. Caesar’s baggage train is led onto the nearest hill, two legions left as guard; he follows as long as the hour permits, — some three thousand enemies from the latest troop are killed — and sets up camps the next day in front of Alesia. Just in sight of the city position, and the enemy is thoroughly terrified that they had been beaten in that part of their military they used to hold the most trust in — knights of the cavalry; he sets his soldiers up by rallying them to the task of a siege: Dig in the trenches. 69 Alesia was a town itself upon a mountain top in an extremely elevated position, to such extent it appeared impossible to take — except by siege. Two rivers, in two separate areas, flowed at the mountain’s base. A plain stretched before the town the width of about three miles around it: About all the rest of the region, fair-sized hills of equal height intermittently surround the town. Beneath the hill on that side which watches the sun rise, Gallic forces completely occupied this entire area and had constructed a six foot high walled trench. The circumference of this fortification, which the Romans undertook to surround, measured ten miles. Favorable locations were chosen for camps and twenty three forts were constructed on them. Lookouts were posted at these strongholds by day so that no sudden sortie could occur: These same fortifications nightly were occupied by sentinels who kept unyielding watch. 70 The fortifications are erected; a cavalry engagement takes place upon that plain which we described above as stretching for three thousand paces between the mountain and hills. Either of the combatants strive to battle with the utmost force. Caesar sends the German warriors to our soldiers in distress and fixes the legions before the camps so that no sudden assault might break out from the enemy’s infantry. Once the legions are placed on guard, our courage increases: Enemies thrown into retreat hinder themselves in a crush of men and now pile up upon the other, narrower entrances. The Germans pursue the more fiercely on up to the fortifications. It’s glory’s slaughter: A few with the remaining horses try to cross the ditch and scale the wall. Caesar orders the legions he stationed before the valley to advance a little: The Gauls inside the fortifications are as much, more alarmed. They cry out in thinking they were being made for right then at arms; quite a few, terrified, rush into the town. Vercingetorix orders the gates closed, lest the camps be exposed. The Germani return, more horses taken than a great many men dead. 71 Before the Romans’ fortifications were completed, Vercingetorix hits upon a plan to send the whole cavalry away from him by night. As they depart, he orders each of them to go to his own state and collect all who are at an age able to bear arms together for war. He brings up favors done towards them and pleads that they hold his safety in regard, that they not deliver him, a man so deserving as regards their collective freedom, to be tortured by the enemy: If they had been somewhat amiss, he explains eighty pristine thousand men are ready to perish at once with him; by his calculation estimate, he says they have scarcely thirty days of food, but that it could be maintained a bit longer by frugality. Upon delivery of these directives, he silently dispatches the Gallic knights upon the second watch where our fortification remained unenclosed. He orders the grain all to be brought back to him and arranges to punish in prison those who disobey. A good-sized herd of cattle & sheep had been rounded up by the people of Mandubia, which he distributes to each man; he enacts a spare and piecemeal distribution of the crops, takes all the supplies he had collected outside the town back into Alesia. 72 (He knew all this from deserters and the prisoners.) Caesar prepares the following types of entrenchment: He led a twenty foot wide trench, of vertical walls, so that the floor of this massive ditch would lay as exactly open as the edges of the trench up top gape widely. All the rest of the fortifications he directed back four hundred feet, his design being that since the circumference would unavoidably be of such distance, the entire structure not be so easily encompassed by a ring of soldiers: The intent was to prevent several of the enemy from rushing at our defenses unexpected or at night; or that they not be able to launch weapons at us when intent on our siege works by day. Apart from this section, he directed two trenches fifteen feet wide of the same depth; water drawn off from the river filled inner, the trench nearest to the plains and low-lying valleys. Inside of these he piled up a twelve foot mound of earth, also a wall. He raised a barrier atop it and added battlements with great, protruding spikes where the movable defenses met the rampart these would slow the approach of hostiles and surrounded the towers measuring some eighty feet between them over the whole contravallation. 73 There was simultaneous necessity in the procurement of timber and grain, implementing such fortifications our forces diminished the further they advanced from the camps: And the Gauls more than once did try our siege works and attempted, with violent ferocity, to make sorties from the town’s several gates. At this, it became clear to Caesar that there was need of reinforcing these fortifications, so that they could be defended by fewer troops. Consequently, by means of tree trunks or massively bulky branches cut and stripped of their bark, their tips also were sharpened — continuous trenches, five feet deep, are constructed. At the bottom, these stakes are anchored to the ground so they can’t be pulled up; they project from amidst the branches. Their lines are grouped together by fives and covered over; where people entered are they impaled upon some highly sharpened points: They kept calling them “`miss-stakes’ (or it’s your grave)”. In front of these, in pitched lines placed equi-distant, a diamond formation, are three foot ditches dug in a funnel shape narrowing to the bottom. Tapered stakes thick as a thigh, sharpened and charred at the top, were fixed at the base in such a way that they protrude no more than three inches from the ground; likewise, for the purpose of strengthening reinforcement, they are individually anchored from the bottom of the fortification three feet in the ground, the rest of the ditch being covered over with brush and branches for the purpose of concealing the pitfall. Eight rows of this type are lain at three foot intervals. Because of its likeness to the flower, the troops called it “lily”. Right in front of these are blocks one square foot, with iron hooks placed in them, lodged into the ground and planted at moderate intervals all over the locality; the soldiers named them Pricks. 74 This business completed, in pursuit of the most level grounds he could possibly attain according as the nature of the vicinity, having encompassed a diameter of fourteen thousand paces, he executed an identical set of fortifications, separate from these, against an outside attacker so that not even in a great mass (should it turn out like that) could the guards of the siege works be surrounded; also, in order that he not be compelled, amidst dangerous circumstance, to exit from the camps, he commands thirty days of food, fuel and fruitful grain collected for all to use. 75 While this business is transacted in view of Alesia, an assembly of tribal leaders was summoned: They rule that all who could bear arms need not, as Vercingetorix proposed, be called up; rather, a fixed number be commanded by each from the state in fear that they could not, for such a disorganized number, manage or separate their own people — they’d have no means of sustenance. They order thirty five thousand from the Aedui and their dependents — the Segusiavi, Ambivareti, Aulerci, Brannovices, Blanovi; demand the same amount of the Arverni-Eleuteti alliance, Cadurci, Gabali, Vellavii (who were customarily under the authority of the Arverni); from the Sequani, Senones, Biturigs, Santones, Ruteni, Carnutes: Twelve thousand; ten from the Bellovaci, same number from the Lemovices; eight thousand a piece from the Pictones, Turoni, Parisii and Helvetii; five thousand from the Ambiani, from the Mediomatrici, Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, and from the Nitiobriges; five more from the Aulercian Cenomani; four from the Atrebates; three each from the Veliocassi, Lexovii and Aulercian Eburovices; two from the Rauraci, two from the Boii; from all the coastal states collectively, which are called The Armoricain Tribes according to their custom (this includes the Curiosolites, Redones, Ambibarii, Caletes, Osismi, Veneti, Lemovices, Venelli) some several thousand more. Of these, the Bellovaci did not fill their quota because they declared their intention to wage war against the Romans under their own tribe’s name and authority, and said they would not obey they authority of an other; yet when queried by Commius for consideration of accommodation they sent two thousand at once. 76 The services of this Commius (as we have previously indicated), a faithful and helpful man, had been utilized by Caesar for some years prior in Britannia; for these labors, he had commanded that the man’s tribe be exempt from taxation, restored their rights under the law and even made the Morini subservient to Commius himself. Still, so massive was the conspiracy of Gaul in its entirety to lay claim to liberty for the purpose of recapturing their former praise for prowess in war, that they were swayed by neither privileges nor memory of friendly relations so that they were, in their mind and might, all bent on this conflict. With eight thousand cavalry rounded up and some two hundred forty thousand infantry, these forces were mustered in the country of the Aedui, their number tallied, and the Combat Commanders were appointed. The highest rank is bestowed upon Commius of the Atrebates, Viridomarus and Eporedorix of the Aedui, and Vercingetorix’s cousin Vercassivellauno the Arvernian. Men chosen by these officers are divided from their states, and the war is directed by their judgment. Quite eager and full of confidence, they set out for Alesia with the result that not a soul amongst them all judged the mere sight of so vast a multitude could be endured — especially in a battle far from decided –, as it were fought in a rush from the town, and they perceived such copious ranks of the cavalry and soldiers from outside. 77 But while those laying siege to Alesia on the next day, upon which they had been expecting the relief of their own — All the food, consumed. — were unawares what the Aeduans were up to: The council meeting called do they deliberate regarding a retreat of their fortunes at war. And even amidst the various opinions expressed — some of which propose surrender, others recommend making a break for it — Critognatus’ speech appears one not to pass by for its uniquely unspeakable barbarism. This man born of noble degree amongst the Arverni, whose character was highly influential stated: “I will say nothing about the proposal of those who call for the most despicable subjugation under the title of capitulating; I judge that these men ought neither be held at the level of citizens, nor shall one abide them in deliberation. Since my business is with these men who recommend a rush of forces, it appears the memory of our former courage is reduced, by consent of you all, to their design. It is shameful frailty of will, far from bravery, to be unable to bear privation for a brief spell. They who offer themselves, of their own free will, to death find it by less trouble than men who put up with suffering in patience. However, I might recommend this proposal (given how greatly esteem within me holds sway) should I wish to see succeed no proposal beyond our fruitless demise: But in deliberating course of action, let us consider Gaul on the whole, which we have roused to our support. What is there in the slaughter of eighty thousand soldiers, just men, — our neighbors and own kin — that you would judge as courageous if they were forced to fight a battle all but over our very corpses? Do not rob your own relief army, who have paid no heed to their safety for the sake of your salvation, of these men; don’t cause all of Gaul to fall on account of your stupidity and impulsiveness, or for your feeble courage: Refuse subjecting us to continual slavery. And true, so they have not yet come today; do you cast doubt over their faith and loyalty? What do you think the Romans are employed daily upon those outer fortifications because it’s good for the soul? If you cannot be reassured by means of our famed men’s messages, as all means of approach are blocked, use the Roman presence as testimony that their arrival draws near; it’s in fear of this event that they are terrified into working day and night. So what, then, is my advice? To do what our ancestors did in a war nowhere near like this, the one between the Cimbri and Teutones; they were forced into towns, also constrained by the same privation of resources — they sustained their life upon the bodies of horses which seemed, for their age, of no use for the war and so did not deliver themselves up to the opposition. If we should not consider the example of this situation, I still adjudicate so gorgeous a paradigm ought be established for the cause of freedom and discharged unto posterity. But what was the precedent in that noted war? As Gaul had been ravaged, the Cimbri withdrew, at last, from our borders — the incredible devastation thrust upon us; they left our rights, laws, lands and freedom intact: But the Romans, what else are they after, what could they want besides, when they recognize people noted by a noble reputation for greatness in war, being drawn by envy’s hate, they wish to occupy their lands and city-states, and impose the unending yoke of servitude upon us? Since they never wage their wars under any other ultimatum. Therefore, if you dismiss these things which happened far off in lands, do look back at Gaul as relevant  — a nation with its status reduced to mere dependent state and its laws, sovereignty wholly transformed, forced to be forever subjugated in slavery. 78 Of these sentiments expressed, they agree upon a regulation by which men who are a hindrance in war because of health or age should depart from the town, and that they ought to make all attempts before succumbing to Critognatus’ proposal: Nevertheless, better this will be a plan made use of — if the situation compels it and help were delayed — than submitting to the alternative of either surrender or peace. The Mandubians they had received into the city are forced out with their children and even their wives. When these came up to the fortifications of the Roman people, they cried out weeping every type of plea to provide food to aid them taken back into captivity. Caesar, however, forbade the valley guards from taking them in. 79 In the meantime, Commius and the rest of the chieftains granted high command get through to Alesia with all the reserves and occupy a hill they captured no less than a mile from our entrenchments. Following day, cavalry’s led out from the camps; they cover that entire plain (which we have shown stretched three miles wide), and station the infantry hidden a bit behind there upon elevated ground. The view from Alesia proper looked down upon that open field. They come running out when these auxiliaries are spotted, congratulations start amongst them and the spirits of all are perked up to glee. And so, their troops brought forth before the town, they set up camps and cover up the first ditch with brush and timber, even fill it with earth and ready themselves for the charge and all its chances. 80 Caesar had the entire army dispersed throughout each sector of the trenchworks so that, if it need come to that, each would be certain of and hold his own position; he orders the cavalry led out from the camps and that the engagement commence: There was a view from all sides out of each of the camps that covered a hilltop. Consequently, all the soldiers were focused on watching the coming fight. The Gauls had interspersed a few archers and light-armed infantry imbedded amongst their knights to aid their own fallen as replacement, and these withstood the impact of our cavalry knights. A good many from their ranks withdrew from the battle, wounded quite suddenly. As the Gauls believed they had the advantage in combat, and since they saw our men checked by a great many warriors from all over the conflict, and some were held together by the fortifications, others had banded together to help, — they redoubled the spirits of their own at a war cry. The fact that the event went on in plain sight of all, made it impossible for a thing done badly or in cowardice to be concealed; with result that desire’s passion for praise and the fear of obscurity’s disgrace incited each of the combatants to courageousness. When victorious outcome was contested, dubious battle, from midday to nearly sunset, the Germans made a charge at one time concentrated into squadrons against their opponents and drove them off. As these were thrown into flight, the bowmen are surrounded and slain. Likewise, our men from across the rest of the theater fall upon them pursuing all the way up to the camps, giving them no chance to regroup. But the men still pressed onward to Alesia, downcast, with hope of victory all but gone they retreat into the town. 81 An intervening day in between. — the Gauls (and as well in this sizable space are a number of fascines, ladders, grappling hooks deployed), in the middle of the night, head out in silence from the camps and approach our entrenched localities. A sudden cry rings out — which was a signal so the men under siege in the town could be made aware of their approach — to fill the trenches, dislodge our men from the valley with slings, arrows, stones and additional things they prepare related to their siege attack. The exact moment a cry is heard, it rang out Vercingetorix signals his men with a trumpet and leads them out from the town. Our men, as they were for some days prior — a station assigned to each — take position upon the trench fortifications; they ward them off by means of projectiles, weighing just under a pound, which the soldiers stored up throughout our position, and do they rattle the Gauls. Visibility, by darkness obscured — a great many wounded on both sides: Numerous missiles are hurled by artillery. But then Lieutenants Marcus Antonius and Gaius Trebonius, — these sectors had come under these men for defense — from that area where they had determined our men were hardest pressed, stealthily deployed men led down from the lookout towers some further ways off as ground support for those soldiers. 82 While the Gauls were still fairly far back from the fosse, they made some more headway for their abundance of weaponry; after this drawing closer, they were run through in traps unawares, or fell in the trenches and skewered, or they were dying impaled by spears shot from turrets in towers outside the valley; so many traumas received in every direction, with the fortification all over intact, when light was approaching, — in fear they might be hemmed in on an exposed flank by a raid from the upper encampments — they fell back to their own men. But the Gauls at the interior trench fill the first ditches of the siegeworks and advance these preparations that Vercingetorix had made ready for their assault; delayed for some time in execution of these actions, no sooner did they realize their reinforcements had left them — then they were approaching the circumvallation. The matter misfired, they turned heading back into the town. 83 Twice driven back at mass casualties, the Gauls deliberate, what should they do; bring in men who know the terrain: Off these guys they figure out where our upper camps are pitched and about their defenses. There was a hill to the north which our forces were unable to enclose with the trench on account of the size of its circumference: By need, in an unadvantageous position, at a slight slope, our men set up camps. Colonel-Generals Gaius Antistius Reginus and Gaius Caninius Rebilus managed these accommodations with two legions. The areas were mapped out by Gallic spies: Their side’s leadership selects fifteen thousand from the entire outfit, from those states which held the highest reputation for bravery. What, as well by covenant, should fulfill do they ratify in secrecy; and stipulate the moment of their uprising, i.e. when it looked to be noon. They proclaim Vercassivellauno of the Arverni, one of the four chieftains, — Vercingetorix’s blood-relative — acting commander of these forces. The noble man moves out from the camps during the first watch, nearly completes the march before dawn and absconded them behind a steep hill; he ordered the troops to take respite from their nocturnal effort. When noon appeared to draw near, he hurries to those camps we just mentioned above; right then, their cavalry started the approach towards the fortifications at the valley plain and the rest of the relief army began their show of force before our camps. 84 Vercingetorix on the march from Alesia’s citadel spies his own countrymen from the site of the town, brings various counter-siege implements forward and additional things they had prepared for the sortie’s charge. It’s fought at once in every direction, and all attempts are tried: The part that least seems able to withstand is made for at a rush. The corps of the Romans, stretched over fortifications so vast, is taxed to cover quite a few places. A fierce call to battle suffices for frightening our men — it arose behind them in battle — for they see their own safety contingent on threats to an other: But all things, in general, removed do frantically unhinge the human mind. 85 Caesar, having found a serviceable spot, keeps aware of developments from every part; he relieves the over-worked. It occurs to the will of either side, it is that singular time — that the confrontation approaches its climax: If the Gauls were to fail in breaking our defense’s blockade, their hope of any salvation is gone; if the Romans achieved their objective, they wait on the crown of all their efforts. It was especially an effort at the upper camps where we showed Vercassivellauno was sent. A disparity of position’s decline made the major difference. Some hurled their artillery, others put up their shields locked together; fresh troops take position of the expended. The earthen wall was dashed by everyone, all into the trenchworks giving the Gauls means of scaling it and covers those things the Romans hid in the ground; now neither our men’s armaments nor physical prowess are in sufficient supply. 86 Seeing these events, Caesar sends Labienus with six cohorts to relieve the men in distress. His command was if it could not be maintained, to fight at the helm of a blitz of legionaries; but that he only do this if absolutely necessary. He addresses the rest of them, urges not to yield in their effort; the pay-off of all previous combat rightly impends on this day and time. The ones within the position on the plain that was made untenable on account of the size of the siege try for the precipices gained from their mounting the wall: They bring on which things they had prepared here.  They drive back the men defending for the sheer volume of missiles from the towers; they fill the ditches with earth and bundled rods, topple the wall and rampart with grapple hooks. 87 Caesar first sends young Brutus with his legionaries, then legion commander Gaius Fabius with other cohorts; finally the General (the battle was raging so violently) brings unwearied men led as reinforcement. The battle had been re-focused,  enemies were beat back just where he directed Labienus does Caesar make haste; he leads four legionary cohorts out from the nearest stronghold, orders a portion of the cavalry to follow, commands the rest to surround the outer defenses and attack the enemy from the rear. Labienus — after the walls and trenches became unable to withstand the force of our enemies — has forty cohorts, which chance presented as drawn from the nearest garrisons, assembled at once: Through messengers he makes Caesar full certain of what he judges a need to accomplish. Caesar moves quick to be there for the onslaught. 88 They knew of his approach from the crimson purple of his cloth, which he had made his habit emblematic in battles: With the cavalry rider squadrons and cohorts conspicuous he commanded to follow him, an enemy join battle. On each side, a screaming comes across the sky — resounds back from the valley, all fortifications and thundering. . . . Our men handle the situation by ditching spears for their swords, suddenly the cavalry is discerned from behind; more legionary soldiers advance, our adversaries turn about — the knights rush at them, they’re fleeing: The result, massive slaughter. Sedulius the Chieftain (and foremost, at that) of the Lemovices is fallen; Vercassivellauno of the Arverni, taken alive trying to flee; seventy four military standards are brought back before Caesar: Scant few, from so great a number, made it back to the camps in one piece. Gazing upon their own people’s carnage and retreat from the town — rescue now hopeless — they withdraw their forces from the fortifications. There is an immediate, once the implication was understood, exodus of Gauls from the camps. Despite this, if our soldiers had not been wearied by re-iterative acts of reinforcement the day long at their labor, all the enemy forces could have been annihilated. From about midnight, the cavalry’s deployment aims after their newest line of defense; a great number are captured and killed, the rest run off from the rout to their respective tribes. 89 On the following day Vercingetorix, in deliberative assembly, relates that he had not waged a war fought for his own compulsions, but for the cause of collective liberty, and seeing as how one must yield to fate’s circumstance, he gives proof by offering himself to one set of interests: Either to appease the Romans with his own death, or, if they would prefer, to surrender him alive to the Roman People. Representatives are sent to Caesar concerning to these matters. He orders them to disarm and their leaders led forth, presides over a position on the fortification outside the camps where the chieftains are delivered; Vercingetorix is transferred, arms lain down. Circumstances permitting the Aedui and Arverni — if it were possible to recover tribes, through these people — to be spared from the rest of the captives:  He divided the individual faction leaders the whole army from them, ostensibly, as spoils of war. 90 After these affairs are finally finished, he sets out to to the Aeduan territory, receives their tribe’s state diplomatically. There, ambassadors from the Arverni promise they’ll do what he commands. He retires the legions to winter quarters, returns some twenty thousand prisoners to the Aedui and Arverni; orders Titus Labienus, with two legions and cavalry, to head for the Sequani — assigns Marcus Sempronius Rutilus to him. He positions Gaius Fabius, the legate, and Lucius Minucius Basilus with two legions together at Reims so that they not be taken for a loss by the Bellovaci near there. He sends: Gaius Aristius Reginus into the Ambivareti tribe, Titus Sextius to the Biturigs’, Gaius Caninius Rebilus to the Ruteni and Publius Sulpicius amongst the Aedui at Cabillon and Matisco to collect grain along the river. He decided to spend the winter himself at Bibracte. Twenty days are granted in recompense with these letters acknowledged in Rome.

Cicero’s Defense Speech for the Poet Archias

[I]
If I have any ability, judges, which though I know as small, whether it be loquacious exercise (in which I do confess I am rather well versed) or if there is some reason for this discipline and pursuit accomplished through studying of the finest arts, which I declare that at no time have I ever turned away from, for these reasons all — or foremost among them — A. Licinius here deserves to seek his fruit in turn from me near by his legal right. Since to the furthest extent of time gone past my mind looks back on, and recalls its earliest memory of being a boy, from then up until now I have and do I look upon this man as the chief one to set me out upon a course of undertaking and pursuing a reason for these studies. Because if this voice formed at the encouragement and from the principles of this man has ever been a help to anyone, which is where we get how we are able to assist certain people and to serve others for this very one: how fixed a thing it is within us that we ought bring both help and health. And so no one by chance be surprised to hear this said thus, that this man has a natural aptitude, not for the explanation or studying of speech (we alone have been wholly given over to this one pursuit), since all the arts which relate to human kind possess this common bond and are held together as if by a certain understanding.
[II]
But so one of you not think it a miracle that I, engaged in upright inquiry and a public case, since the issue is brought before the Roman People’s magistrate, the most eminent of men, and to the most discriminating judges in such a great gathering crowd of folks and business, use this manner of speaking which may depart not only from what one hears of legal affairs, but even from what one hears in court; I ask you grant me favor in this case and make exception for this witness here before you, to whom I hope I in am no way doing a disservice that I speak on behalf of the top poet and most educated individual amongst this gathering of such literate people by this, your human grace, and certainly by this Official’s exercise of judgment, as we pursue studies in human-ness and literature, which I speak even more freely of, and in a character which is drawn in through leisure & study away from judgments and danger in using a somewhat novel and unusual style of speaking; and if I grant this from you to me and give it in return, shall I finish to perfection so that this Aulus Licinius not only should not be deported, since he is a citizen, of citizens’ rank even if he were not, you would say that he should be naturalized by law.

[III]
Now, as soon as Archias departed from child’s games (and through those arts by which a young man is molded towards cultural courtesy) he dedicated himself to studying writing first at Antioch — since he was born in that remarkable area, a city once famed for its prosperity and its people erudite in kindness learning fluently to study — his natural ability quickly began to surpass all in its renown. After that his visits were so celebrated in certain parts of Asia, and the whole of Greece, that the expectation of the man outstripped his reputation for innovation, and the crowd’s wonder at his approach exceeded what had been expected. Back then Italy was teeming with Greek arts and learning, and this enthusiasm was cultivated even more fiercely over Latium than today in those same parts, was even quite well known right here in Rome due to the peaceful state of the Republic; and so the people Tarentini and Locrians, Rhegii and Neapolitans granted him citizens’ status in addition to other rewards, and everyone who could in any way pass judgment on talent considered him worthy of recognition and welcome. Being famed for such a reputation and known even by those far removed, he came to Rome in the consulship of Marius and Catulus. First off he met them both so that the latter could summon the utmost of resources for his writing while the other, in addition to his accomplished, and even enthusiastic, attention applied his ears. Lucullus’ family accepted him into their home right on the spot because even back then Archias wore the Young Man’s toga. He, truly, gave not only the light of his literary talent, but also his character and strength. Even the home which first favored him in youth was most eminently familiar in his old age. At this time he was acquainted with Quintus Metellus, the famous man from Numidia, with his son Pius, given audience with Marcus Aemilius, lodging by Quintus Catulus, both the Elder and Jr., was called on by Lucius Crassus; but when he held audience with the Luculli and Drusus, Octavii and Cato, the entire house of the Hortensii relegated to custom, he was moved deeply by public esteem which not only those wanting to make something happen & listen to him affected, but also even if there were a few perhaps pretending.
[IV]
But after a break of some fair length he set out for Sicily with Marcus Lucullus and, leaving that province with him, came to Heraclea. But since that town fell under the most fair right by alliance, he wanted to be written into the local record and because he was thought worthy in and of himself by the authority and gratitude of the Luculli, he earned it from the Heracleans. The right of citizenship is granted by the Law of Silvanus and Carbo: “IF THERE ARE THOSE WHO WOVLD BE ADDED TO ALLIED CITIES AND STATE: Who held residence back when the Law was ratified in Italy shall make a declaration to the Governor within sixty days.” Since he had kept his lodgings here in Rome for many years, he declared his citizen’s status before the Praetor Quintus Metellus, a man well-known to him. If we are speaking of nothing other than citizenship and law, I’ve nothing more to say. The case has been made. But which of these points could fail, Grattius? Do you deny that he was accounted for at Heraclea? We have here a man of the highest authority, piety and trust, Marcus Lucullus; and he has said that he does not think, but knows, not by report but as eyewitness, who was not only there but presided. The deputies of Heraclea are here, men of noble reputation, and have come for this very case with official orders and with a public deposition; they say this man was counted a citizen at Heraclea. Do you want the public records here, when we all know they were lost in the Italian war when the archive was burned? To attest to things we do not have, to ask for what we cannot hold and pass over people’s recollection in silence; to demand the stated proof of letters and, when you behold the conscientious obligation of an honorable man, the sworn oath and faith of an incorporated township and, rejecting these facts which are entirely incontrovertible, to plead for the records which you yourself say were destroyed is a thing absurd. Or did this man not keep an abode in Rome, who settled there for so many years before citizenship was given as the seat for all of his possessions and own affairs? Didn’t he make the declaration? But it was clearly stated in those records by the customary statement and assembly of elected officials, preserved on the authority of public documentation.
[V]
Since Appius’ record-tables were said to’ve been rather shoddily maintained (Gabinius’ carelessness, as yet untried, was after his conviction a disaster that obliterated all trust in his record-keeping), Metellus, a most scrupulous man of the highest conduct, was so carefully attentive that he came before the local official Lucius Lentulus and judges to say he had been brought there in haste by the erasure of one name. So you see there certainly is no fudging in these tablets on Aulus Licinius’ name. As these things are so, what doubt can you have about his citizenship; especially since he had also been enrolled in other cities’ charters? In actual fact, when people were freely handing out citizenship in Greek towns to a number of nobodies with no (or with some low) talent did the people of Rhegium, Locri, Neapolis or Tarentum (since they were in the habit of bestowing it lavishly to artists on stage) not want it for this man endowed with the loftiest renown for genius? What! When certain men, not just after their enrollment was given, but after the passage of the Naturalization Law even, crept in by some means to the charter of those townships, should this man, who not only abided in the places where he was listed, since he ever held himself a resident of Heraclea, be thrown out?
And you ask for our census reports as if it is not known that during the latest one my client had been with the illustrious General Lucullus amongst his troops; or in the census before with the same as State Treasurer in Asia; or the earliest one under Julius and Crassus when not one part of the population was counted. But census rosters do not guarantee a citizen’s right and only prove that he who registered had acted like a citizen at the time. During the years you allege your charge that he knowingly had not been naturalized by the right of Roman citizens, he also made and revised a will according to our laws and accepted Roman citizens’ bequests, was even amid his honors admitted to the treasury by Lucullus after his term. [VI] Follow the arguments, if you can: This man will never be refuted in his own or by the judgment of his friends.

Perhaps, Grattius, you ask us why we feel such affection for this person:
because he provides respite for our mind from the courtroom’s clamor and exhausted ears rest from the chatter. Do you suppose that what we speak about everyday, on such a wide variety of topics, is itself sufficient if we do not renew our selves with teaching, or that our souls could bear such great strain if we did not expand them with that same instruction? I admit in truth that I have been devoted to these studies. It would scandalize some if they so buried themselves in written works that they were able neither to provide from it the fruit of common good, nor bear it in the light of public view: But could that embarrass me, who’s lived so many years like this, judges, that I have not ever been drawn from another’s necessity or convenience by free time, or hedonism called me away or even sleep to slow me down?
For what reason could somebody, pray tell, find fault with me, or censure me by right if as much as others engage in their own matters, or celebrate festival days of games, how much is allotted to other enjoyments and for that rest itself of soul and body in time, how much some devote to banquets and gatherings, or even to the game-board or ball games is how much I have spent cultivating these studies for myself? And this truly must be granted me the more, that my ease at public speaking also grows from these pursuits which, so far as I am able, has never failed my friends in time of need. If this appears rather negligible to one, I feel those things surely, which are the greatest, from the source to which I cling.
For if I did not believe from my adolescence on the lessons of many and a great many writings that nothing in life should be sought after unless it is praise and honor, and all of the bodily discomfort accompanying these things, all threats of death and banishment be considered light, I never would have thrown myself before your health of mind in so many dangers as such and into these daily rushes amidst reckless people. But books are overflowing all, wise people’s voices teeming, antiquity is full: All those things lie in shadows unless the light of literature approach. How many images — not only for watching but also to imitate — of the most powerful, steadfast & courageous men have Greek and Roman writers both left us as representations? I have always supported these in my administration of public welfare & have tried to form my soul and mind with this understanding of extraordinary ones.

[VII]
Someone might ask: “What? Those highest men themselves, whose strengths appear in letters, is that the lesson which you bring up for praise? That they were educated?” Of all things to convince, this is admittedly difficult, but is still (to be sure) something I must answer. I confess that there have been many people of outstanding character and strength, and they have, without instruction, become both upright and important of themselves through a natural inclination that is near divine. I even add this: more frequently does natural ability attain merit & strength without training than learning without talent. I also contend likewise since a certain reasoning and adherence to discipline has approached an excellent and illustrious nature, then surely it must be a thing outstanding and in a class of its own.
Our fore-fathers saw the godlike Scipio Africanus someone of this number from which Laelius, Furius also were the most wise and eminently fair, just individuals; from this the bravest and most educated man of his time, Marcus Cato, that famous elder statesman. I assure you, if these men were not aided by reading in attaining & maintaining a virtuous life, they never would have devoted themselves to study of these things; because if so great a fruit were not revealed in them, and if personal amusement alone were sought from these pursuits, you would still (as I judge) conclude that this attentiveness is the most civilized and democratic thing on earth because other approaches do not relate to their time, all ages or places. These studious pursuits develop the youth, charm old age, smooth over difficulties; provide the downcast with a comforting escape, entertain at home, are no hindrance outdoors, spend the night, travel and vacation along with us.
Even if we are ourselves unable to touch these things or experience them through sense, we should nevertheless still think they are amazing when we see them in others.

[VIII]
Which of us was so harsh and unfeeling that s/he was not moved by the recent death of Roscius the thespian? And when the elderly man had passed, he still seemed not to be altogether gone on account of his unparalleled artistry and charm. Did that man arouse such love for himself from everyone one of us with bodily gesticulations? Do we ignore the incredible momentum of his wits and pass over the alacrity of his intellect?
How often have I seen Archias here, judges — allow me to make use of your kind grace since you are listening so attentively to this, my innovative style of speaking — how many times have I seen this man, without having written a single letter, recite a great many of the choicest lines of verse about those very topics which had been under discussion right then; and there repeat the very same matter encore, only with different words and expressions! But take care to consider his writings (of which I see so approved) that he may arrive amongst authors traditional in praise. How could I not set him apart, not adore; not think that he must be pleaded for no matter what the cost? And so do we accept from the most elevated and erudite of humankind the study of set topics comprised of education, principles and art: that poets are valuable by their very nature, that they are stirred by the force of imagination and inspired by a certain spirit as if it were from god. That is why our famed poet Ennius, quite rightly, calls them ‘holy’ — because they appear to us to have been entrusted with a gift and offering almost divine.
Therefore, judges, let this title of ‘poet’ be revered among you most humane of human-beings because nothing invasive has ever tarnished it, and the rocky peaks and remotest wilderness echo his voice, savage beasts are often appeased with singing and stand still: we too, directed by the greatest affairs, are moved by the voice of singers and poems. The people of Colophon say Homer was their countryman, of Chios–that he was theirs, residents of Salamis state the same; but the Smyrnaeans assert he was their own and so they even dedicated a temple in his honor (a number of others also contend with one another to dispute this claim).
[IX]
Then these people seek out a foreigner even now after his death because he was a poet: Will we reject this man alive who is ours by both his will and laws when Archias has for so long applied all of his studies and genius entire towards honoring the glory in praise of the Roman people? As a youth he even wrote about the Germanic campaigns, which delighted the famous Gaius Marius himself, a man not overly renowned in his zeal for literary pursuits.
In fact no one is so at odds with the Muses that they not willingly accept their own actions be committed to permanence in publication of poetic verse. They say that Themistocles, the highest-ranking man of Athens, when asked whose music or voice he would most prefer to hear, replied: “Whomever’s excellence is reputed best.” So likewise did Marius favor Lucius Plotius above all, thinking that through his talent would his own exploits be made known.
But the war against Mithridates, so vast and intractable in its various operations by land and sea, was captured in its entirety by this man whose books not only celebrate Lentulus Lucullus, the most courageous and famous of men, but also the name of the Roman populace. For it was people of Rome that spread out over the Bosphorus with Lucullus in command (though Pontus was protected by its former King’s resources & a naturally fortified local), the Roman people’s army at Lentulus’ lead that routed (with a much smaller force) the untold Armenians’ reserves; the glory of Rome’s people that the most faithful alliance with the citizens of Cyzicus, by that same man’s plan, was snatched from the entire Royalist onslaught, the gaping jaws of total war & was saved. Always it shall be spoken of, proclaimed that under Lentulus Lucullus’ struggle was, in killing the commanders and sinking the enemies’ fleet from a compromised position, the unbelievably well-known sea battle off of Tenedos ours: These are our trophies, our monuments to a triumph in victory. These things which are spoken of by the genius and talent of these men make the reputation of the Roman people widely known.
Our dear Ennius was beloved by the elder Scipio and so he is also thought to be portrayed in marble upon the family tomb. And surely by these honors not only is this one praised, but also is glorified the people’s name: “Romans.” Into the sky was this man’s great-grandfather Cato immortalized, a great man added as an honor to the affairs of the Roman race. [X] Certainly all those noted men like Maximus, Marcellus, Fulvius do not receive due honor without the collective admiration of us all. That is why our ancestors accepted into their state the person who made such praise, the man from Rudia [Ennius]: Will we now expel this man, sought after by so many cities, who became a resident of Heraclea legally, from our state?

Now if some people think the glorious fruit taken from Greek more negligible than that of Latin poetry’s, they blunder terribly for the very reason that Greek works are read by nearly every people, while Latin ones confined within rather narrow boundaries. That is why if those things which we carry to the regions of the entire world are unbounded, we should welcome wherever the arms of our forces may arrive, where fame & glory open up, because those very people whose affairs are written of are filled with them and there can be no doubt that they risk their lives for the cause of glory & this is the greatest incentive to hard work in dangerous times.
Do you know how many writers Alexander the Great of Macedon is supposed, said to have had for his achievements? And yet as he crossed the desert in search of Achilles’ funereal mound and reached over the top, “You luck-y,” he said, “man who discovered Homer to sing out your strength” in truth; for in case the Iliad had not been composed (and as well the shrine) which preserved his corpse his name would have been covered forever in dust. What? Is this our great Magnus who equated virtue with fortune; didn’t he grant Theophanes from Mytilene, the author of his campaigns enfranchisement in the presence of his officers’ assembly? And aren’t those strong examples we know but country men and soldiers stirred by the sweet taste of praise as they partake of the same glory and shouted their approval with a roar?
Therefore I believe if Archias were not a Roman citizen by law his status could not have been ratified by one exercising consular authority. It was back when Sulla, I believe, agreed to enroll Spaniards and Gauls and had rejected someone’s petition; in th’ Assembly we watched some poor, popular poet plop down his little book for him dedicated “to: Him” on the cover, with uneven lengths of doggerel lines and he demands to be awarded right then & there for those things he was selling: but with the caveat he stop writing after that. Could he who thought his scrutiny worthy of an awful poet have sought out the talent for genius & powerful writing equally in sum? Why, wasn’t he prevailed upon by Quintus Metellus Pius, his closest acquaintance to make many people citizens, and not just by himself and by Lucullus, who wanted in particular, still, to be written about for his accomplishments; to hear for himself at long last the native poets of Cordova with their thick, foreign accent?

[XI]
This fact cannot be concealed, but must be brought before us: we are all drawn by desire of praise, even the greatest is led by glory most. The noted philosophers themselves still scratch their name into the booklets they write to discredit fame. In the very act of disdaining to look upon a worthy reputation they want to be made public and be known by name.
The most high commander Decimus Brutus adorned the entrances of temples and monuments with lyrics of his dearest friend Accius; another is Fulvius who had Ennius as his companion on campaign against the Aetolians of Greece (and he did not hesitate to offer work of hands to the music of battle). For in Rome our military leaders are armed, as it were, with poets’ name and tend to the goddesses’ temple where robed judges are incapable to shirk worshipping the Muses or the well-being of their singers of poems.
But in order that you act more willingly, I’ll now address myself to you, judges, to disclose a bit about my own passion for accomplishment — perhaps a bit too strong — but worthy nonetheless; for the achievements I garnered in my consulship likewise along with you in preserving the sovereignty of this state and safety of its citizens for the whole Republic have been touched upon by Aulus in a poem that is just now taking shape. And now this task is known (a topic both weighty and joyous to me), I exhort the man to complete it: true excellence needs no salesman to pitch its labors or risks beyond this, its glory of praise. Judges, if this be diminished, what is left that we should tend to of such works in our, so thin, brief course of life?
To be sure, if the soul did not look futureward, even if existence’s space is marked off within these divisions, it would — by its contemplations — entirely end them. It would not wrack itself with such exertion, not be distressed by so many sleepless cares nor fight so often in defense of its very being. Right now a certain strength of character is fixed truly upon the greatest, by day & night incites the mind to be glorified and serves to remind that our name is not to be scattered with our lifetime’s end, but must and will be equal to all generations come in time.

[XII]
But should we all appear so narrow-minded as to engage in public business amidst life’s threatening bustle so that, when we are led to the utter end, no quiet, no peace, no rested soul? Shall we judge all things to perish at once with us? So many people of the highest caste have been eager to leave portraits and statues, not of their soul, but of the body physical; ought we not desire the more a likeness of our designs and worth be left, polished and portrayed with the most talented abilities? I truly believe that all the things I did then as now do I have scattered and cast broad across the Earth as an eternal memory. But whether this will endure apart from my perception after I’m dead, or — as the wisest philosophers believe — will extend to reach some piece of myself, I am happy to be pleased with a certain thought of it and hope.

For this reason judges please spare someone in decency, a person whom you have seen justified first by the authority of his friends, then of his own age; you must see a talented genius so great as fit to be judged, that it has been sought by the intellects of the greatest individuals; and so in this way is his case by right of law, authority of his town, witness of Lucullus and Metellus’ records proved. Since this is so we ask you judges if esteem for such talent ought not only be human, but even divine as a result of his having celebrated you, your leaders and the achievement of the Roman people, who offers himself as giving everlasting proof of our recent dangers & peril to your homes and is of that class who’ve always been by all held and said as holy, so let you accept him into your confidence that he look relieved by your humanity rather than wronged by your severity.
I have stated the facts of the case as I’m wont to: in brief and without guile. Judges, I trust these words have been acceptable to all; although they are far removed my nominal legal expertise, I have spoken of these matters in human genius and common good of his studies in hope they are by you judges taken in good faith; by he who exercises judgment, I know for sure.

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